Feijóo directs PP to focus on judicial issues, labeling Sánchez and Zapatero 'the mafia'.

Alberto Núñez Feijóo ordered PP leaders on June 14 to stay locked onto what he calls the "judicial carousel" engulfing Pedro Sánchez and former PM José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The PP chief wants one message to stick: Sánchez "didn't come to govern, he came to steal," and Zapatero is now "closer to being a common criminal" El Periódico.
The instruction comes amid a cascade of legal blows. Zapatero was formally indicted by the Audiencia Nacional in May for money laundering, criminal organization, and influence peddling. His office safe was found to contain €1,323,915 in luxury jewelry, now under investigation for tax fraud and smuggling Levante. The Civil Guard also raided PSOE headquarters in Madrid to seize documents. Feijóo summed it up bluntly: "It's a list of crimes. How can they not be the mafia?"
The case at the center of the storm is the 2021 rescue of Plus Ultra. The government handed the minor airline €53 million in public funds during the pandemic. Investigators believe Zapatero used his influence to steer the money toward the airline, which had deep ties to the Venezuelan regime, in exchange for commissions Diario de Mallorca.
On May 19, Judge José Luis Calama of the Audiencia Nacional indicted Zapatero — a historic first for a former Spanish president. Then on June 12, Calama opened a second investigation into him for tax fraud and smuggling linked to the jewelry haul. Zapatero is due to give formal testimony on June 17–18 La Opinión de Murcia.
Zapatero's case is just one thread in a much wider legal web. Sánchez's wife, Begoña Gómez, faces a corruption probe tied to her university post and recommendations to government contractors. His brother, David Sánchez, is awaiting a verdict in a corruption trial in Badajoz. A court hearing for Begoña was postponed in early June El Correo Gallego.
Then there is the figure of "Leire Díez," described by prosecutors as a political operative allegedly used to run a smear campaign against judges investigating the PSOE. The Civil Guard raided Ferraz — the PSOE's Madrid headquarters — on May 27 to seize related documents Diario de Córdoba.
Feijóo's strategy is deliberate. He is telling his party not to get distracted by side debates. Keep the focus on the "carousel" of cases, he says, and let the pattern speak for itself. His goal is for voters to see the PSOE not as a party under pressure, but as a "stable criminal structure" La Opinión de A Coruña.
The numbers suggest it may be working. The PSOE has dropped 4.9 points to 31.3% in the latest CIS barometer. The share of Spaniards naming corruption as a top concern has jumped from 9.1% to 18.4% in a single month. A PP-Vox coalition is now projected at roughly 193 seats — well above the 176 needed for a majority Información.
Sánchez is not backing down. He called Zapatero his "moral compass" in Congress on May 20. His team frames the prosecutions as "lawfare" — using courts as a political weapon rather than a tool of justice. He has pledged to stay in office "until 2027 and beyond" El Periódico de Aragón.
But the economic cost is mounting. Foreign direct investment in Spain fell 65% in early 2026. JP Morgan analysts have warned that snap elections may be the only way to restore market confidence. Political scientist Astrid Barrio puts it starkly: the real threat to Sánchez is no longer just legal pressure, but "institutional paralysis" La Provincia.
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